By Martin Mevius
After 1945, kingdom patriotism of the communist regimes in jap Europe was once characterised by means of the frequent use of nationwide symbols. In communist Hungary the occasion (MKP) broadly celebrated nationwide vacations, nationwide heroes, erected nationwide statues, and hired nationwide highway names. This 'socialist patriotism' had its foundation within the 'national line' of the Comintern, verified on Soviet directions following the German invasion of the Soviet Union. at the moment Stalin referred to as the events of the Comintern to oppose the Germans by means of issuing the decision for nationwide liberation. This coverage persisted after 1945 whilst, as an relief within the fight for energy, the MKP awarded itself as either the 'heir to the traditions of the international locations' and the 'only actual consultant of the curiosity of the Hungarian people'. ironically even though, the Soviet origins of the nationwide line have been additionally one of many major hindrances to its luck because the MKP couldn't recommend nationwide calls for if those conflicted with Soviet pursuits. Martin Mevius' pioneering learn unearths that what had all started as a tactical degree in 1941 had turn into the self-image of celebration and nation in 1953 and that the final word loyalty to the Soviet Union labored to the detriment of the nationwide social gathering - the MKP by no means rid itself of the label 'agents of Moscow'.
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Extra info for Agents of Moscow: The Hungarian Communist Party and the Origins of Socialist Patriotism 1941-1953 (Oxford Historical Monographs)
40 Vas, Betiltott könyvem, , . Agents of Moscow necessarily a blueprint for what was correct ‘national’ propaganda, but the Soviet word was in any case ﬁnal. Nationalism was used as a tool against foreign enemies, but the accusation of being a nationalist could also be used against internal enemies. The fate of the Hungarian Legion illustrates the problems inherent in a national policy that was international in character and ultimately Soviet controlled: it was impossible to satisfy all national demands without causing conﬂicts between national communist parties.
Barghoorn, Soviet Russian Nationalism, . See also Brandenberger and Dubrovsky, ‘The People Need a Tsar’. 53 54 Martin, ‘Afﬁrmative Action Empire’, . Ibid. 51 52 Communism and Nationalism Around the same time as Stalin’s reappraisal of Russian nationalism, the communist parties of Europe did an about-turn on the appraisal of the national past. This was not connected to Soviet nationalities policy, but rather to a change in strategy towards Fascism and Social Democracy. Between and , Stalin believed the consolidation of the revolution at home to have top priority.
At the same time, the national sections were expected to show a degree of initiative. While the new line was centrally ordained, the national parties were left to themselves to sort out the details. 14 Not all propaganda material was simply translated out of Russian. A large part had to be produced by foreign communists working in Comintern ofﬁces, who therefore had to decide themselves what was orthodox and what not. Moreover, leading Comintern ofﬁcials were dependent on the national sections when interpreting events at home.